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Conversely, precisely such concessions could occasionally be avoided by appealing to their domestic political costs. These limitations of the assumptions concerning the characteristics of an occupying regime and the action orientations of its key players lead to the second methodological feature of this study, the specific character of causal process tracing.
A historical explanation does not rest on unfocused narratives. It is concerned with turning points and critical junctures and with identifying necessary and sufficient conditions for those decisions that render these turning points and junctures identifiable as such.
Causal mechanisms, as such, are undirected,92 and the statements by Rudolph J. Rummel and James Buchanan quoted at the beginning of this introduction acquaint us with the ambivalent effects of power sharing and bargaining.
The effects could consist just as well in the intensification as in the containment of the persecution, and apparently both situations were the case in France.
Therefore, this study leads to the further question posed by Benjamin Valentino: exactly what leads one and the same causal mechanism to unleash mass crime in one case and to impede it in another?
Organization of the Book The account of the development of and interconnections between these practical rationalities and the decisions guided by them follows the key sequences of the events that were decisive for the fate of the Jews in occupied France.
This involves four phases. During the first phase, the SS and hence the core group of the perpetrators prevailed in the power struggle with the Wehrmacht.
The second phase marked the consolidation of the increase in power of the SS. This was the result of an arrangement with the government in Vichy.
It was based on a compromise that epitomized the logic of collaboration in the area of policing. These accords were sealed with the so-called Oberg-Bousquet agreement of 8 August , which marks the conclusion of this phase.
The protest of the two Christian churches spread once deportations began from provincial regions of the unoccupied zone as well, as was envisaged by the Oberg-Bousquet agreement.
With the protest of the church, one of the domestic political pillars of Vichy, the persecution of the Jews suddenly became a matter of regime cohesion.
The fourth and longest phase was marked by the further distancing of the government in Vichy from the collaboration with the German occupying power in the persecution of the Jews.
They took care, as far as was possible, of the business of the Germans when it came to the persecution of the Jews.
The last deportation trains left France in August By this time, the system of state collaboration at all levels and the smoothly functioning exploitation of the French police for the persecution of the Jews were already things of the past.
But the Germans had planned it, and without the presence of the German Wehrmacht it would never have materialized.
Moreover, it would be pointless to ignore the particular lessons to be learned from that interaction. The present analysis reveals how power and morality were interlinked in the developing relations between perpetrators and collaborators and how morally indifferent collaborators and even ruthless perpetrators could be forced to acknowledge the power of morality once the latter gained momentum both in circles close to the regime and in public opinion.
Also of importance was the extended preparatory phase of the military strategy in Western Europe. This preparation, also as regards the occupation administration, was largely under the control of the Wehrmacht.
In this regard, the latter worked closely with experts of the civilian Reich administration. The main purpose was to mobilize the economic power of the occupied territories for German purposes.
Although the Wehrmacht also exercised administrative functions in the rear military areas in the war against the Soviet Union in Serbia, Greece, and North Africa , it did so there under completely different conditions of an occupation situation defined primarily in military terms.
Both the influence exerted by Himmler on appointments to the upper echelons of the administration in the Netherlands and his repeated attempts to have a civil administration with an HSSPF established in Belgium indicate that he was well aware of the relative weakness of his position.
The persecution of the Jews in Western Europe from to followed the pattern of institution building and progressive escalation established in Germany proper, in Austria, and in the Nazi-established Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia.
These measures were followed by deportation and extermination. This was due, in the first instance, to the internal contradictions of German policy toward the countries concerned.
These contradictions not only brought to light conflicts between the German actors but also broadened the scope for action of the domestic actors.
Both factors had ambivalent repercussions for the persecution of the Jews. The supposition that the power enjoyed by the SS and police apparatus in particular had profound repercussions for the persecution of the Jews is trivial.
It is indeed evident that the initial position created by the respective occupation regimes for the SS and Gestapo to enforce the persecution measures, at least in the area of police repression, was of supreme importance.
Under these conditions, a vertical and a horizontal axis of power sharing emerged. If the aim was to husband German resources and to mobilize domestic resources on a sustainable basis, the German occupier also had to share the power, to a certain extent, with the home authorities.
In the horizontal axis, by contrast, in the relations of German actors among themselves, power rivalries developed of the kind that also marked the National Socialist system of rule in the Reich.
The multidimensional character of the division of power in the occupied territories of Western Europe granted the key players considerable leeway for action, which they sought, to different extents, to exploit for their own purposes and goals.
Even though these purposes and goals may have followed a general line as was undoubtedly the case with the persecution of the Jews , they were heterogeneous and volatile when it came to specifics.
These contradictions would have inevitably led to substantial problems in the occupation policy even if, in other respects, the German side had had clear strategic concepts for dealing with the occupied territories and unambiguous regulations regarding competences.
But there was no such clarity. This could not fail to lead to permanent incoherence in the occupation policy. This was astonishing for contemporaries in the case of a regime that had the aura of a tightly run dictatorship and an effective administration.
What relative weights should be accorded to these goals and how these overall objectives should best be accomplished, however, remained objects of internal disputes.
The individual branches of power could mobilize the support of central Reich authorities or of leading representatives of the regime, including Hitler himself, on a case-by-case basis.
However, heterogeneous ideological fronts and interests developed here too, depending not least on the course of the war and hence on the German power potential in Europe.
A fundamental line of conflict was that between those who regarded collaboration with the German occupying power and those who regarded passive or active resistance as the appropriate strategy in the struggle to promote national interests.
Precisely analogous to relations on the German side, the collaborators included ideologues and pragmatists, depending on whether the individuals concerned believed they should cooperate with the Germans on ideological grounds or for reasons of expediency.
Under these conditions, a stable axis of cooperation was most likely to develop between the pragmatists on both sides.
This cooperation was threatened by the incoherence of the occupation policy on the German side and, naturally, by the organized resistance on the side of the occupied countries.
Both factors were destined to destabilize the cooperative relations as the war persisted. In the occupied western territories, the expansion and intensification of the German war economy from the first half of onward23 led to an increased demand for labor and to more immediate interventions in the national economies concerned.
In addition, there was progressive deterioration of the military position of the Reich from the fall of onward.
These two factors reduced the willingness of the ideologically indifferent forces in the occupied countries to collaborate and strengthened the willingness of the opposition forces to engage in active resistance.
With this, there could be no real question of power-sharing relations, at least in the vertical axis. Like the rule of the National Socialist regime in the Reich proper, the final phase of the occupation was marked by a surge in coercion, violence, and terror in Western Europe.
The systematic execution of the anti-Jewish policy was initiated in the Netherlands, Belgium, and France in the fall of The sequence of persecution measures and related stages of radicalization until the spring of corresponded, in essence, to those in the Reich until the onset of the mass deportations in the fall of This development took a more or less homogeneous course in Western Europe.
However, there were profound differences in how the enforcing authorities were established, both in comparison to the Reich and among the three Western European countries.
These differences, in turn, had lasting repercussions for the actual enforcement of the persecution. Already in the Reich, the authorities charged with enforcing the persecution of the Jews were centralized in varying degrees.
The police side of the persecution was under the direction of the Reich Security Main Office and was implemented by the regional and local agencies of the Gestapo under its direct control.
The SS and police authorities strove to realize this centralization also in the occupied Western European countries, though they met with very uneven success there.
In the Netherlands, supreme police authority lay with the German general commissioner for security, who was simultaneously HSSPF and hence embodied the principle of the amalgamation of party organizations SS, SD and state police realized in the Reich Security Main Office and claimed the authority to issue directions to the Dutch police.
In Belgium, the police authority resided with the military commander, hence the Wehrmacht, until July In fact, one cannot assume that a linear relation existed between a more pronounced hierarchization of the occupation administration and a greater centrality of the SS and Gestapo in the occupation system, on the one hand, and the level of implementation of the intentions to persecute the Jews, on the other.
If the Reich Security Main Office succeeded in making the latter, through glaring deficiencies in domestic and military security and political stability, look incompetent in the eyes of the upper echelons of the regime if possible, of Hitler himself , it could hope for an increase in authority and power.
This tactic would succeed at least in the Netherlands and France. In the Netherlands, political strikes in February lead to a strengthening of the position of the SS and Gestapo apparatus as regards competences in the persecution of the Jews; in France, through attacks on Paris synagogues in October , the SS provoked heightened tensions that ultimately resulted in the appointment of an HSSPF in May In the area of the economic persecution of the Jews, the competences were already spread over different administrative areas in Germany proper.
The most important authorities, aside from the apparatus of the SS and Gestapo, were the so-called regional economic advisers Kreiswirtschaftsberater of the NSDAP, the financial administration and the plenipotentiary for the Four-Year Plan.
At this time, the efforts of the SS leadership to concentrate competences in both the police and the economic persecution of the Jews in Germany proper were focused primarily on the plundering of the Jews in connection with the emigration.
The regular occupation administrations did not allow their competences in the economic domain to be withdrawn, even where the Jews were concerned the plundering of the Jews by the Gestapo in the immediate context of the arrests and deportations remained unaffected by this, of course.
This reflected the primacy of the general occupation policy, whose overall objective focused on the economic exploitation of the occupied territories.
The extent to which tasks and hence also power were divided between the German and the home authorities in the domain of the economic persecution of the Jews varied even more than in that of the persecution through police repression.
As a French institution on Belgian territory, the latter was subject to the enemy assets administration and, as a result, enabled the occupier to exercise more direct control by comparison with the Brussels Trust.
In France, by contrast, jurisdiction for the persecution of the Jews in the economic area was entirely under French control. This division corresponded to the directives given to the German negotiators by Hitler, who accorded priority over other occupation policy considerations to the enduring split in the alliance between France and England.
Of decisive importance in the case of a continuation of the war against England, according to Hitler, were the loyalty of the French colonies toward a mother country that had withdrawn from the war and, for this reason, the existence of a French government as a sovereign entity with its own territory.
As heads of the civilian administration, they were in charge of the entire administration in the civilian area, which amounted to an annexation.
After the Allied landing in North Africa on 8 November , the Wehrmacht took control of large areas of the Free Zone by 12 November The first military governor of Paris, which was occupied by German troops on 14 June , was General Alfred von Vollard-Bockelberg, followed from 30 June by General Alfred Streccius as head of the military administration.
Under the authority of the military commander were a command staff to lead the occupation troops and an administrative staff.
Typical of the practice of military posting, the leadership of the command staff was subject to greater fluctuation than that of the administrative staff.
Between and , the command staff was led by five successive high-level officers Auleb, Speidel, Kossmann, Linstow, and Krause , of whom the future supreme commander of the NATO troops in Europe, Hans Speidel, is the most important figure historically.
Bearer of the Gold Honor Party Badge Goldenes Parteiabzeichen , Schmid could count as the representative of the NSDAP in the military administration in Paris.
Both the German and the French sides maintained the legal fiction that the armistice of 22 June was itself not affected by the expansion of German and Italian military presence in southeastern France.
The map depicts, accordingly, both the demarcation line between the northern and the southern zones and the thinner line demarcating the expanded Italian occupation zone that existed between 11 November and 8 September , when the Italian armed forces surrendered to the Allies.
A reckless manhunt for the Jews in the previous Italian occupation zone followed when the Germans took control. Copyright Bundesarchiv.
The administrative staff was subdivided into the Administration Section and the Economics Section.
From August to June , the Administration Section was led by Dr. Franz Medicus, who assumed responsibility in September for the administrative group with the quartermaster general in the Army High Command and later coordinated the reporting of the deactivation staffs.
From September to August , the Administration Section was led by Dr. Wilhelm Gustav Ermert. Throughout the occupation, the Economics Section was under the direction of Dr.
Elmar Michel, who, as mentioned, headed the entire administrative staff in personal union from August onward.
Group 1, General Affairs and De-jewification, of Subsection Wi I, under chief military administrative counselor Dr.
Kurt Blanke, played a central role in the economic measures against the Jews. Nestler estimates that the total number of people working for German bodies in France, exclusive of the occupying troops, was 80, Following this pattern, on the day Paris was captured, 14 June , the Reich foreign minister appointed the former collaborator of his Ribbentrop Bureau, Otto Abetz, as the plenipotentiary accredited to the military commander in Paris.
In fact, it played an active role in launching the persecution of the Jews and its ceaseless radicalization. The relevant embassy employees in this connection were embassy counselor Dr.
The foreign minister was initially Paul Baudouin, to be succeeded on 27 October by Laval, who was himself dismissed as vice president and foreign minister on 13 December In April , Laval returned to power with expanded competences.
The relative autonomy and capacity for political action of the home officials and the political and ideological upheaval in the country set the occupation, governmental, and administrative relations in France apart fundamentally from those in Belgium and the Netherlands.
This ideological orientation acquired its dynamic from the fact that it identified the supposed causes of the catastrophe of June It went along with the fear of foreign infiltration, whether because of an assumed dilution of French culture and identity or because of assumed threats to public security or adverse demographic developments.
On the other hand, the logic of exclusion, as precisely formulated by Duverger see n. This issue linkage prepared the ground for all of the measures against the Jews up to the deportations to the extermination camps.
Through the argumentative linkage with the public interest, the measures against the Jews could assume the character of justified measures that could be the taken for granted.
Here the common sense of the political and administrative elites of Vichy found its counterpart in that of the German military administration.
The discrimination and persecution measures were facilitated by this common sense. These measures had nothing in common with the extermination plans of the National Socialist government in Germany.
Nevertheless, its genocidal plans could connect seamlessly with such preparations. Through a pro-German stance in different variants, the French side hoped, in the long term, to ensure that the status of France would be respected in a postwar Europe dominated by Germany and, in the short term, to secure an improvement in some important areas of domestic policy, particularly a speeding up of the return of the prisoners of war, an easing of travel and trade between the occupied and free zones, and, not least, a strengthening of administrative autonomy, including that of the police.
On 11 November , Hitler observed, in his Directive No. The latter measure was contentious even on the German side, because of the negative repercussions on public opinion and the willingness to collaborate in France.
The efforts of Vichy officials to prove the seriousness of their collaboration efforts became even more intensive. Moreover, the incident helped to ensure that Laval enjoyed an outstanding key position in relations between Germany and France after his return to power in April At the beginning of the German occupation of France, these consisted of just a single bureau of the Security Service Sicherheitsdienst, or SD that enjoyed nothing more than observer status, which was indicative of the initially relatively weak position of the Reich Security Main Office in the Western European territories.
The insignificant SD bureau in Paris took instructions from Brussels, where a special task force was established under the physician Dr.
Max Thomas, in his capacity as representative of the chief of the Security Police and Security Service for Belgium and France,2 to whom the agencies in both Brussels and Paris reported.
Helmut Knochen, senior commander of the Security Police and the SD in France from Knochen was thus formally answerable to the representative of the commander of the Security Police and the SD Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD, or BdS for France and Belgium, Thomas, who was officially based in both Brussels and Paris.
The general competence for all security and police affairs lay in the hands of the military commander. He arrived in Paris in September and reported directly to the head of Department IV B 4 in the Reich Security Main Office, Adolf Eichmann.
A conflict broke out between him and Knochen in the summer of , because Dannecker dealt directly with the French police stations and, when attempting to put some of them under pressure, paid no heed to the overall direction of occupation policy in the area of policing, which, meanwhile, was based on negotiated agreements between the German and French police leadership rather than on hierarchical order and obedience.
In the meantime, the preconditions for the collaboration were also favorable on the French side. Between June and August , Oberg, Knochen, and Bousquet conducted intensive negotiations aimed at achieving a compromise between collaboration in security matters and protecting French administrative autonomy.
Among the most horrifying episodes of the collaboration, however, was the deportation in August of several thousands of Jewish children, most of whom were separated from their parents and, after weekslong stopovers in French camps, were transported in cattle wagons to Auschwitz, where, without exception, they were murdered in the gas chambers immediately upon arrival.
The representatives of the Reich Security Main Office were involved only peripherally. Nevertheless, from the fall of at the latest, economic and repressive police persecution measures would be closely intermeshed.
In the measures to be taken against the Jews in the economic domain, two aspects are decisive. First, we must do what is necessary to ensure that the elimination of Jews [from the economy] endures even after the occupation.
Furthermore, the German side cannot provide sufficient manpower to deal with the great number of Jewish enterprises. Both of these considerations have led us to involve the French authorities in the elimination of Jews.
This will ensure that the French authorities share the responsibility and that the French administrative apparatus can be employed. Assuming that important German interests are not involved, therefore, French provisional administrators will also be used in the first instance.
In principle, the aim will be to replace the Jews by French so that the French population also benefits economically from the elimination of the Jews and to avoid the impression that only the Germans want to take the place of the Jews.
This approach involves the danger that lower-level officials will not perform the tasks assigned to them with the necessary zeal, out of a lack of conviction.
Therefore, the task of the German military administration authorities will be to supervise and monitor carefully the activity of the French authorities in this regard.
The right of the administrateurs provisoires to liquidate Jewish enterprises was explicitly confirmed by law on 2 February When it came to the midsize and larger enterprises, the German military administration headquarters in Paris was in charge.
The body was divided into eight sections, each devoted to a particular economic sector. In the first half of , at least the administrateurs provisoires for the midsize and larger enterprises were still selected and appointed either by the prefects or directly by the administration of the military commander.
In France, there could be no question of such a central authority under German direction, because of the guarantee of French administrative sovereignty in the Armistice Convention.
The CGQJ had two headquarters, one in Vichy and one in Paris. It was answerable to the interior minister from April to May , then directly to the head of government from May The CGQJ serves as an example both of the tensions and contradictions within the multidimensional division of powers in the interplay between the German occupying power and the Vichy regime and of the action orientations of those concerned.
The comparison with the conditions in Belgium, where the planned Commissariat royal aux questions juives did not come about,18 makes this obvious.
On the other hand, the CGQJ was nevertheless established under German pressure and, as such, was an indication of latent interference by the occupying power in French administrative affairs.
Finally, the assignment of competence to the CGQJ triggered rivalries with the already established authorities, particularly with the SCAP and the regular Vichy ministries.
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